В статье рассматриваются смысловые основы политики, проводимой основными сторонами, вовлеченными в противостояние на Украине: националистически настроенными кругами украинской власти и общества, руководством «мятежных» юго-восточных регионов страны, политиками стран Запада и России. В основу исследования положен культурсоциологический анализ смыслов по бинарной схеме «сакральное добро – сакральное зло» внутри каждой смысловой системы. Обосновывается положение о том, что ведущую роль в возникновении конфликта на Украине сыграли культурообразующие смыслы, обусловливающие противостояние как внутри страны, так и между Россией и Западом. В украинском общественном дискурсе устойчивые позиции занимают социокультурные смыслы независимости страны (прежде всего от России, влияние которой расценивается как угроза, а все связанное с ней относится к полюсу сакрального зла). Запад, поддерживая Украину, апеллирует к ценностям демократии, Россия прибегает к нарративу «русского мира» и исходит из необходимости его защиты в условиях политики нетерпимости, проводимой властями Украины. Понимание смысловых интерпретаций политических действий сторон конфликта становится ключевым условием политического урегулирования этого острейшего противостояния современного мира. The article considers the meaningful frameworks that determine the policy of the four parts involved in the Ukraine confrontation: the nationalist-biased Ukraine authorities and society, leaders of the rebellious Southeast regions of the Ukraine, the Western countries and Russia. The author performs the cultural sociological analysis of these frameworks in terms of the binary oppositions system (sacred good – sacred evil) and argues that the main cultural meanings have the key role in the Ukrainian conflict and determined the confrontation between the conflicting parties inside Ukraine as well as between the West and Russia. It is a reason for the increase of moral responsibility of the participants of the political process, because of the Ukrainian crisis constitutes a threat for the national and cultural identities of the involved parties. During the Ukrainian events an intense reaction of the West to Russia's policy was sharp and emotional. This fact is important in terms of identifying the meaningful aspects of the Western policy towards Russia. According to the Western democratic ranking Russia was considered as a repressive state with imperialistic ambitions. But this understanding is a political illusion. The Russian value meanings at this conflict are the preservation of the Russian civilization and protection of its parts. Sociocultural values of independence have an important place in the discourse of the Ukrainian society. In current situation it poses as a narrative of Russian’s suppression of this independence. But the population of the Southeast regions was subjected to trauma during the process of obtrusion nationalistic slogans by the ruled Ukrainian elites. It induced the processes of generalization of mass consciousness. These processes are the result of a cultural trauma of destruction of the basic cultural values. The generalization is an output social process beyond the ordinary and its sacralization. As a result the collective identity will be restored on the new level. But such political processes come about the abrupt events, struggle and sacrifices. The situation on the Ukraine threatens primarily to the Russian civilization identity whose sacred meanings and values were attacked by the nationalist forces of Ukraine with the support of the Western politicians and public opinion. Подробнее https://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/1018750/

В статье рассмотрены основные причины и факторы, определяющие переломный характер периода 2017–2025 гг. Проанализированы наиболее важные тенденции этого периода в сопоставлении с наблюдавшимися в предшествующие переломные периоды (1849–1857 гг. и 1945–1953 гг.) предыдущих циклов эволюции мировой системы. К числу этих тенденций относятся сдвиги в мировом политическом лидерстве, перемещение центра тяжести мирового развития из Евроатлантического в Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион, политические кризисы и социальные потрясения в Европе, рост внутренней и международной конфликтности, экономические и политические кризисы, масштабные геополитические и геоэкономические сдвиги, важные изменения в духовной, культурной и идеологической областях. На основании выявленных тенденций и эмпирического анализа происходящих в современном мире процессов сделан прогноз о наиболее важных изменениях и сдвигах, которые, вероятнее всего, будут наблюдаться в период 2017–2025 гг. Среди этих изменений особую роль будут играть переход к полицентричному мировому порядку и новому технологическому укладу, кризисные явления в мировой экономике и финансовой сфере, усиление влияния Китая и других стран Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона, борьба с международным терроризмом, кризис в Европейском союзе. России предстоит сложный период адаптации к быстро меняющимся экономическим, технологическим и политическим условиям. Одна из наиболее важных проблем, от разрешения которой зависит будущее России, – осуществление реиндустриализации и внедрение новых технологий. The article describes the key causes and factors that determine the nature of the threshold period between 2017 and 2025. The author analyzes the most important trends of this period, which took place during similar turning periods (between 1849–1857 and 1945–1953) of the world system's previous evolutionary cycles. Among these trends are shifts in the global political leadership, transition of the center of influence on the world development from the Euro-Atlantic to the Asia-Pacific region, political crises and social upheavals in Europe, growth of domestic and international conflicts in the world, economic and political crises, large-scale geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts, important changes in the spiritual, cultural, and ideological spheres. On the basis of the identified trends and empirical analysis of the processes ongoing in the world, the author formulates his forecast of the key changes and shifts that are likely to happen between 2017 and 2025. Some of these changes and shifts will be of particular importance, notably the transition to a polycentric world order and the new technological paradigm, the crises in the world economy and in the financial sector, the growing influence of China and other countries in the Asia-Pacific region, the fight against international terrorism, and the crisis in the European Union. Russia is to face a difficult period of adaptation to the rapidly changing economic, technological and political conditions. One of the most crucial tasks, whose solution will determine Russia’s future, is the implementation of re-industrialization and introduction of new technologies. Подробнее https://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/1018677/

Алжир – одна из немногих стран Ближнего Востока, которую практически не затронули события «арабской весны». На первый взгляд страна производит впечатление оазиса спокойствия на фоне богатых на события соседей – Ливии, Мали, Туниса. Тем не менее существуют факторы, как внутренние, так и внешние, которые при неблагоприятном развитии ситуации могут привести к конфликту, и цель настоящей статьи – анализ данных факторов. Объектом исследования является политическая ситуация в Алжире, а предметом – основные тенденции ее развития, которые могут привести к втягиванию страны в конфликт. В статье проведен анализ общественно-политической и экономической ситуации в Алжире с точки зрения выявления конфликтогенного потенциала страны, а также изучены существующие противоречия во взаимодействии элиты, выражающиеся в ее постоянных «чистках». В результате проведенного исследования были выявлены основные предпосылки возможного конфликта: тяжелое состояние здоровья президента страны А. Бутефлики, которое использует в своих интересах его ближайшее окружение, ожесточенная борьба в верхах, постоянно растущая угроза со стороны группировок вооруженных исламистов всех мастей, а также нерешенный «берберский вопрос», неурегулированный конфликт Алжира с соседним государством Марокко и крайне сложная обстановка на границах с Ливией и Мали. Algeria is one of the few countries in the Middle East that has not been affected by the events of the “Arab Spring”. At first sight, the country seems to be quite peaceful in comparison with the eventful neighbors, Libya, Mali and Tunisia. Nevertheless, there are factors, both internal and external, which may cause a conflict in case of the negative development, and the purpose of this article is to analyze these factors. The object of the study is the political situation in Algeria, and the subject is the main trends of its development, which can lead to the country's involvement in the conflict. The author analyzes the socio-political and economic situation in Algeria from the point of view of identifying the country’s conflict potential, as well as the existing contradictions in the interaction of the elite, expressed in its constant “cleanings”. The study defines the main prerequisites for a possible conflict there: the poor health of the President of the country A. Bouteflika, which is his immediate circle benefiting from, bitter fight at the top, the ever growing threat from the groups of armed Islamists of all kinds, and the unresolved “Berber question”, the continuing conflict between Algeria and the neighboring state of Morocco and the extremely difficult situation on the borders with Libya and Mali. Подробнее https://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/1263394/

В статье с позиций сравнительно-исторического анализа, цивилиза-ционного подхода и теории эволюционных циклов международной эконо-мической и политической системы рассмотрены эпоха великих потрясе-ний в международной политике и экономике 1921–1945 гг. и современная эпоха начала 2000-х – конца 2010-х гг. Показано, что, несмотря на различия в уровне технологий и организации общества, между этими эпохами существуют важные черты сходства и структурного подобия. В то же время в современном мире растет число действующих центров политической силы и активизируются локальные цивилизации. В этом контексте проанализированы основные тенденции, проблемы и возможные альтернативы мирового и российского политического развития. Предложен и аргументирован тезис о том, что сегодня международный терроризм (особенно в его радикально-исламистской версии), как в 1930–1940-х гг. нацизм, является главным глобальным вызовом для всех государств. А все попытки сотрудничать с террористами или использовать их против своих геополитических противников ведут к разрушению международной системы безопасности, к политической дестабилизации, деградации международного права, а также легитимного и плюралистического ми-ропорядка. Сделан вывод о том, что главной альтернативой глобальным проектам, пытающимся унифицировать весь мир, является полицен-тричное мироустройство, учитывающее особенности разных цивилизаций и интересы разных государств. In this article the epoch of great shocks in the international politics and economy in the period from 1921 to 1945 and the contemporary epoch from 2000 and 2020 are con-sidered in terms of comparative historical studies and civilization approach. It is shown that there is certain likeness and important structural similarity between these epochs de-spite the differences in the technological level and social organization. At the same time many centers of political power and different local civilizations operate in the modern world. The main trends, problems and possible alternatives of the world and Russian political development are analyzed in this context. It is argued that now international terrorism is the main challenge to every country, the same as Nazism was in the 1930s and 1940s. That is why all attempts to collaborate with terrorists or to use them against geopolitical enemies lead to destruction of international security system, to political destabilization and degradation of international law. It is concluded that the polycentric world order which takes into account features of different local civilizations and interests of different states is the major alternative to the global unification projects.

Эволюция антропосферы неумолимо приближается к точке грандиозного перелома, за которым может начаться либо «нисходящая ветвь» планетарной истории, либо переход земной цивилизации к космической стадии развития. Смертельные угрозы связаны с обостряющейся патологией глобальной геополитической системы, и усиление России может сыграть стабилизирующую роль, если ее руководство своевременно решится сменить концептуальные акценты во внешнеполитической стратегии. Перенос внимания с патриотических деклараций («защита русского мира» и т. д.) на задачи оздоровления глобальной геополитики привлек бы лидеров мнения за рубежами страны и повысил бы эффективность международной активности российского руководства. The evolution of anthroposphere is implacably approaching the point of a tremendous break beyond which either a “descending branch” in our planetary history or a transition to the cosmic stage of the Earth civilization’s development is expected. Deadly menaces are mostly due to the sharpening pathology in the global geopolitical system; the strengthening of Russia might play a stabilizing role if its leaders opportunely venture to shift the con-ceptual accents in their foreign-policy strategies. Shifting attention from the patriotic declarations like “defense of the Russian world” etc. to the tasks of the global geopolitics’ sanitation would attract the opinion leaders in the world and increase effectiveness of the Russian government’s international activities.

Статья посвящена сопоставительному рассмотрению двух ключевых концептов русской культуры: Правды и Истины. Их взаимоотношение анализируется в контексте исторически последовательных рецепций русской культурой определяющих мировоззренческих парадигм западной цивилизации, а именно: языческой, христианской и новоевропейской (секулярной). Обсуждаются концептуальные коллизии, разворачивающиеся в смысловом поле сопряжения Правды и Истины. The two key concepts in the Russian cultural tradition and language are compared: Truth as correspondence of the statement to inner reality (pravda) and Truth as corre-spondence to outer reality (istina). Their relation is considered in the context of historically successive receptions of determinant Western worldview paradigms by the Russian culture: the pagan, the Christian and the New European (secular) ones. The relation and conceptual collisions in the meaning field between the two concepts are considered.

After collapse of the Soviet Union Central Asia (CA) was not in the focus of academic society and big geopolitical players, Kyrgyzstan
not being an exception. But today Russia is back to CA through the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and Collective Security Treaty
Organization (CSTO). Kyrgyzstan is a member of CSTO and is going to join the EEU. Therefore it is worth of broader analysis. This
study tried to understand specifics of Kyrgyz internal and external course of development. It found that internal political process in
Kyrgyzstan used to be very problematic. The country suffered a lot from two revolutions, caused by the authoritarian “family rule”
of Askar Akaev and Kurmanbek Bakiev. After that Kyrgyzstan decided to change its system of government from presidential to parliamentary
(or semi-presidential) model. But this experiment did not bring peace and stability, additionally complicated by ethnic
tension between Kyrgyz and Uzbek citizens. Possible recipe of success – bigger socio-economic responsibility of the government,
but it is still not in place. After two people revolts Kyrgyzstan was near to become a “failed state”, but orientation towards strategic
partnership with Russia and membership in the EEU can help it to survive politically and economically at the expense of Russian
geopolitical ambitions, compensate internal political turbulence by external factor of stability. Moreover, close (also institutional)
cooperation with Moscow strengthens systemic power of Kyrgyzstan in its relations with the closest neighbors, such as Uzbekistan
(not satisfied with the water policy of Bishkek) and Afghanistan (poses real security threat of Islamic extremism and terrorism to
Kyrgyzstan). To sum up, for the moment Kyrgyz internal politics is hardly predictable, also because of the parliamentary experiment,
but definite external orientation towards Russia and the EEU creates some basis for stable long term development of the country.
Vadim VOLOVOJ Kyrgyzstan: Internal and External Course of Development // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 31, Issue 1, 2015, pp. 0-0

The article is reproducing analysis of relation of foreign currency reserves of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation and the quantity
of minted money (M2) for the last 10 years. A well-founded conclusion is drawing: from after 2010 the quantity of money minted
by the government of Russia was far of excess of the quantity the metallic reserve storing allowed. The maximum gap between real
quantity of Rubles and currency holdings fall within the end of 2014. Unrestrained emission of Rubles allocated for defense resulted in
the first correction in value of the Ruble; the point at issue is December 14, 2014- the day when the Rouble depreciated on 7 % against
western currencies – the US dollar and the Euro. Taken as a whole, within a year the exchange rate of the Rouble to the dollar fall on
more than 55 %, so, on pace of depreciation, the Rouble turned the one of weakest currencies in the world. However, in the author’s
opinion, this correction did not affect the activities of the Russian authorities and this can result in further external imbalance in the
country and in further crash of the Russian ruble.
Alexey Fedorov Continuation of Monetary Crisis of 2014 in Russia is Inevitable // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 31, Issue 1, 2015, pp. 0-0

The article focuses at the analysis of the role, importance and future prospects of the SCO in Central Asian region in the context
of strategic cooperation between Russia and China. There are three views presented within regional academic discourse on Russian-
Chinese relations as “China-ally”, “China-enemy”, “China-partner-companion.” The first “China-ally” approach is based on a
shared vision of the US as an enemy that lays the foundation for future cooperation between Russia and China. The second “Chinaenemy”
approach assumes that China is alreasy causes a threat to Russia’s national interests. The third “China-partner-companion”
approach focuses on the need for Moscow to combine flexibility and agility in the relationships with Beijing to explore opportunities
to enhance Russia’s ability to cope with the Chinese challenge in the future, if any, will pose a threat. The article explores some
aspects of accelerated growth of the Chinese armed forces, migration issues and economic expansion of China and its implications
for cooperation between SCO member-states.
Igor Khalanskii The Future Prospects of the SCO in Central Asia in the Context of Strategic Cooperation Between Russia and China // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 30, Issue 4, 2015, pp. 0-0

On the basis of factors such as ideology, the degree of populism, political leadership and form of the government a complex comparative
analysis of the formation and development of the party system in Lithuania and Russia in the post-communist period was
carried out. Summing up, it should be noted that both Russian and Lithuanian party parliamentarism are being progressively consolidated.
At the same time they continue to suffer from many shortcomings owing to negative historical heritage, characterized by
authoritarian single-party system, cult of the leader, ideological populism and undeveloped civil society, and also because of the
prolonged transition period of young democracies. Speaking about the prospects of the development of the party systems of two
countries, it can be assumed that in the medium term the current situation should not change dramatically.
Igor Ivanov, Vadim Volovoj Comparative Analysis of the Party Systems Development in Russia and Lithuania // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 28, Issue 2, 2014, pp. 0-0