Over the last three decades the Republic of Moldova has experienced several waves of reforms and counter-reforms. The governing political forces have implemented different reform strategies, mostly of them influenced by their political interest are short-term. Recently, in the public and also in the academic aworld we hear more and more about the need for an "administrative-territorial" reform. There are several projects and approaches of the future reform. What is common to the most of the discussed projects is the solution offered to overcome existing territorial fragmentation-amalgamation of the local communities. The European experience in territorial organization of local public power offers solutions other than amalgamation. One of these solutions is inter-municipal cooperation. The problem is the following: can inter-municipal cooperation be a solution for overcoming the territorial fragmentation in the Republic of Moldova or it can only be a complementary factor of the amalgamation?

A plausible argument in favour of reforming the territorial organisation of the public power is the demographic situation in Moldova. Currently, the Republic of Moldova is faced with a series of demographic issues that leave their mark on many processes that take place. Here, I refer to the natural movement of the population, the migration phenomenon, aging and pauperization of the population. Closely related to these processes, there are also other phenomena: depopulation, de-urbanisation, and ruralization of urban settlements in Moldova. These tendencies and phenomena that take place in the Republic of Moldova require a new principled approach for the territorial organization of public power. Under the newly created circumstances, the population of local communities that are constantly shrinking does not have sufficient means to finance the activity of local public authorities and therefore, not having sufficient means due to the limited tax base, cannot provide quality public services.

В данной статье рассматривается проблема концептуализации понятия консерватизма в его становлении на Западе и в России. Выделены два основных подхода к определению консерватизма: ситуативный и фундаментальный. Подчеркивается, что консерватизм приемлет внешние, соответствующие духу времени изменения при сохранении фундаментальных оснований общества. Рассмотрены основные ценности консерватизма, обозначена связь между идеями классических учений и современными реалиями. Обосновывается необходимость существования сильной власти и иерархии. Основополагающим базисом русского консерватизма определяется самобытность народа. На основании анализа идей консервативных мыслителей автор приходит к выводу, что консерватизм не только наце-лен на сохранение ценностных оснований, но и несет в себе прогрессивный потенциал. Раскрывается характеристика консервативной модернизации как следование духу исторического времени с опорой на народные основания и приоритет постепенного реформирования. This article discusses the concept of conservatism in the course of its es-tablishment in the West and in Russia. The author distinguishes two main ap-proaches to the definition of conservatism: situational and fundamental. It is emphasized that conservatism approves external changes corresponding to the spirit of the time with simultaneous preservation of the fundamental basis of society. The author considers the core values of conservatism, indicates the relationship between the ideas of classical approaches and contemporary realities. The necessity of a strong authority and hierarchy is justified. The national identity determines the fundamental basis for Russian conservatism. Basing on the analysis of the conservative thinkers' ideas, the author makes a conclusion that conservatism is not only aimed at preserving value bases but also possesses a potential for progress. He also reveals the characteristics of conservative modernization which consists in preservation of the spirit of his-torical time basing on national foundation and with prioritizing of gradual reform.

Two noted British economists survey a range of issues linked to Russia’s forthcoming accession to the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and its implications for the Russian economy. They describe the far-reaching commitments Russia has undertaken
in the realm of tariffs, non-tariff barriers, and openness to inward investment, identifying factors that tend both to support and challenge
realization of these commitments. They follow with a brief historical account of the reasons why the accession process for Russia was
so protracted and an assessment of the likely medium- and long-term economic impacts of accession for the country as well as for its
particular regions and social groups. The arguments suggest that the likely direct impacts of accession will overall be modest (at least
over the near- to medium- term), and focused in spheres in which a foreign presence may enhance the productivity of Russian firms in
the domestic market (e.g., business services). Potentially, more substantial indirect benefits will largely depend on the scale and
seriousness of domestic reform policies launched in support of WTO compliance (i.e., effects of accession on Russia’s political
economy).
R. Connolly, Ph. Hanson RUSSIA’S ACCESSION TO THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION: COMMITMENTS, PROCESSES, AND PROSPECTS // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 23, Issue 1, 2014, pp. 0-0

Two noted British economists survey a range of issues linked to Russia’s forthcoming accession to the World Trade\r\nOrganization (WTO) and its implications for the Russian economy. They describe the far-reaching commitments Russia has undertaken\r\nin the realm of tariffs, non-tariff barriers, and openness to inward investment, identifying factors that tend both to support and challenge\r\nrealization of these commitments. They follow with a brief historical account of the reasons why the accession process for Russia was\r\nso protracted and an assessment of the likely medium- and long-term economic impacts of accession for the country as well as for its\r\nparticular regions and social groups. The arguments suggest that the likely direct impacts of accession will overall be modest (at least\r\nover the near- to medium- term), and focused in spheres in which a foreign presence may enhance the productivity of Russian firms in\r\nthe domestic market (e.g., business services). Potentially, more substantial indirect benefits will largely depend on the scale and\r\nseriousness of domestic reform policies launched in support of WTO compliance (i.e., effects of accession on Russia’s political\r\neconomy).