В статье проанализировано влияние предреволюционного развития и революционных событий 1917 г. на резкое обострение межнациональных отношений в России и на формирование различных этнокультурных идентичностей. В частности, выявлены и исследованы основные особен-ности положения Остзейского края в составе Российской империи и взаимоотношений балтийских губерний с центральным правительством; на этом примере рассмотрены процессы постепенного усиления этнополитической конфликтности. Показаны причины того, что предпринятые в Российской империи реформы, нацеленные на вовлечение края в общеимперское пространство, не принесли желаемого результата. Отдельные мероприятия по русификации Балтики вызывали протест части балтийско-немецкого сообщества, усиливая его тяготение к Германии. Усилению этих тенденций в значительной мере способствовали революционные события 1905–1907-х, а затем и 1917 г. На этом фоне автором поднимается и обсуждается вопрос о существовании балтийско-немецкого ирредентизма и вероятных путях его реализации. The article analyzes the impact of the per-revolutionary development and revolutionary events of 1917 on the sharp deterioration of interethnic relations in Russia and on the formation of different ethno-cultural identities. In particular, the author reveals and examines the main peculiarities of the Baltic region position within the Russian empire and relations of the Baltiс provinces with central government; by this example, the author considers the processes of gradually increasing ethno-political conflicts. He also shows the reasons why the reforms performed in the Russian empire aimed at the involvement of the region into the imperial space had failed. Some Russianization activities produced protests on the side of a part of Baltic and German comminutes thus increasing their affinity for Germany. These tendencies were in many respects reinforced by the re-volutionary events of 1905–1907 and later in 1917. At this background, the author discusses the question of the existence of the Baltic-German irredentism and possible ways of its implementation. Подробнее https://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/1313904/

Статья посвящена исследованию современного этапа в издавна длящемся диалоге цивилизаций Востока и Запада на примере значительного слоя иммигрантов – арабов и берберов (выходцев из Алжира, Марокко и Туниса) – во Франции. В нынешнем характере самоидентификации магрибинцев, живущих в Европе, так же как и в усвоении обитателями Магриба европейской культуры, отчетливо прослеживается конфликт «своего» и «чужого». The paper presents the study of the modern stage of the long-lasting “dialogue” of Eastern and Western civilizations in the context of considerable immigrant groups – Arabs and Berbers (Algerians, Moroccans and Tunisians) – in France. The “themus” conflict is clearly observed both in the European Maghrebians’ identity and the difficulties in adoption of the European culture by those who live in Maghreb Подробнее https://www.socionauki.ru/journal/articles/1024018/

В статье рассматриваются проблемы цивилизационной идентичности Республики Казахстан. Подчеркивается актуальность этой проблемы в связи с возникновением сетевого общества и сетевых войн. Сетевые войны подрывают традиции и создают хаос, чтобы манипулировать общественным сознанием и вводить его в преднамеренное заблуждение. В связи с этим возникает опасность утраты смыслов бытия и государственной идентичности. Полиэтничность Казахстана создает множество сложностей при определении государственной идентичности. Решение проблем лежит в плоскости цивилизационных ценностей, которые могут сочетаться с национальными особенностями. The article considers problems of civilization identity in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The author emphasizes the relevance of the problem in connection with emergence of network society and network wars. The network wars undermine traditions and create chaos which makes it possible to manipulate public consciousness and to bring it to the thought-over delusion. Here appears the danger of losing the sense of being and the state identity. The poly-ethnicity of Kazakhstan creates a number of difficulties in determining the state identity. The author notes that the main problem for Kazakhstan is the complicated dialectics of national and civilized values. The Kazakhstan identity is formed gradually, step by step. At the initial stage of this long process, there emerge some demographic problems (the outflow of the European population), together with political (a weak representation of the Russian-speaking population in political and government institutions) and language problems (an ambiguous perception of language policy). And while language problems are successfully solved via the thought-over policy of “trekyasyazychy”, the political problems are solved weakly which creates difficulties for the formation of a real tolerance. The author seeks the solution of the problems in a dialectic combination of civilization and national values of creating integrity of “skills of spirit”. It is possible to consider the following basic civilization priorities: 1) spirit of freedom and independence; 2) patriotism and “traditionalism”; 3) creation of the Kazakhstan culture as a synthesis of the poly-ethnic cultural values; 4) justice and equality; 5) innovation and creativity; 6) overwhelming legitimacy; 7) real “trekyasyazychy”; 8) creation of strong civil society; 9) high professionalism; and 10) preservation of family values.

Миграция в наше время чаще всего рассматривается как отрицательное явление. В основе такого рассуждения лежат мировоззренческие позиции, согласно которым существование национального государства рассматривается в качестве базового параметра для жизни людей. Однако усиливающаяся в мире миграция – процесс, который уже не-возможно отменить. Бороться с ней бессмысленно, и в сложившихся условиях следует стремиться к улучшению ее восприятия. Для этого необходим всемирный сознательный поворот в сторону понимания человека как существа, всю жизнь формирующегося социально, способного к сознательному выбору и действию. Today migration is frequently considered as a negative phenomenon. Such an approach proceeds from the worldview ideas which consider the existence of nation-state as a basic value for people. Meanwhile, the increasing migration in the world is already an irreversible process. It is useless to struggle with it but under the current situation one should strive for improving its perception. This needs a world conscientious turn to comprehension of a human as a creature who is formed in social terms during his or her whole lifetime and who is capable of deliberate action and choice.

The article deals with role of historical memory in the context of two referenda which have been held in 2014 — in Scotland on the
18th of September and in Catalonia on the 9th of November, although not recognised by the Spanish government. Both of them
reflect the issue of how the imperial past influences current political debates about independence. In spite of the different political
and cultural contexts, the two referenda have been deeply connected with history and memory and have exploited imperial settings
to explain the ‘security choice’. This article argues that traumatic experience of transition between the imperial and national contexts
has been the decisive factor in the process of securitization of memory. Although memory has been considered as a strategic
recourse in the two regions, the way it has been utilized is different. The memory of the past was shifted from the sphere of politics
to the sphere of security, and memory has been utilized as a means of securitization. Desecuritization of the national memory in the
Scottish and the Catalan contexts is connected with its politicization as well as with placing it within the cultural context. British
and Spanish imperial pasts have been sublimated in the form of cultural symbols and memories.
Victor Apryshchenko Securitization Model and Referenda-2014 in Scotland and Catalonia // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 29, Issue 3, 2014, pp. 0-0

???????????? ?????? ?????????????? ???????????? ???????? ??? ?????? ??????????, ??? ?? ?????? ?????????? ???????????? (? ??????? ???????? ?????????????????? ????????, ????????????????? ???????? ???????? ??? ??? ?????????? ????) ?????????? ????????????? ??????????????? ?????????????? ????????????? ? ??????????, ????????????? ? ?????????????? ????????? ????????????, ? ?????????????? ?????????? ????????????? - ? ??????????. ??? ?????? ???????? ? ?. ?????????? ??????????????? ???? ?????????? ??????? ??????? ?????????? ??? ?? ??????????? ???????????? ???????????? ??????????????, ??? ??????????????? ????? ???????? ?????? ? ???????? ????????????????? ?????? ???? ? ?????????? ??????????????? ????????? ? ????.


V. Ludmila Klimenko, V.A. Bedrik, V.A. Denisova ?????? ???????? ???????: ????????? ???????????? ???????? ??? ?????? // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 18, Issue 4, 2012, pp. 0-0

? ?????? ???????? ????????????? ??????? ???????? ??????? ????????????, ??????? ?? ???????? ??? ????????????
??????? ?????????. ?? ???? ???????, ??? ??? ??????????????, ????????? ?????????? ??????????? ?????? (??????, ??????? ?
??.), ??????? ? ???????????? ???? ???????? ?? ???????????? ?????????? ???????????? ??????????, ????????? ? ????????
????????????? ????????????????? ????????, ? ?????? ???????, ? ??????? ?????? ??????.
D.V. Vinogravov ???????? ???????????? ? ????? ???????????? ? ???????????????? ????????? // The Russian Academic Journal, Vol. 15, Issue 1, 2011, pp. 0-0

The article deals with role of historical memory in the context of two referenda which have been held in 2014 — in Scotland on the 18th of September and in Catalonia on the 9th of November, although not recognised by the Spanish government. Both of them reflect the issue of how the imperial past influences current political debates about independence. In spite of the different political and cultural contexts, the two referenda have been deeply connected with history and memory and have exploited imperial settings to explain the ‘security choice’. This article argues that traumatic experience of transition between the imperial and national contexts has been the decisive factor in the process of securitization of memory. Although memory has been considered as a strategic recourse in the two regions, the way it has been utilized is different. The memory of the past was shifted from the sphere of politics to the sphere of security, and memory has been utilized as a means of securitization. Desecuritization of the national memory in the Scottish and the Catalan contexts is connected with its politicization as well as with placing it within the cultural context. British and Spanish imperial pasts have been sublimated in the form of cultural symbols and memories.